Pro-pedophile activism (also spelled pro-paedophile activism) refers to a small, loosely-organized socio-political movement advocating the acceptance of pedophilia as a sexual orientation rather than a psychological disorder. Some pro-pedophile activists also advocate the related goals of "normalizing" the concept of sexual activities involving an adult and a child (legally defined as child sexual abuse in every developed country), legalizing such activities by lowering or abolishing the age of consent laws,, and/or reform of child pornography legislation. Some but not all pro-pedophile activists self-identify as pedophiles, or as adults attracted to children in a sexual or romantic way . Pro-pedophile activists have described their movement as analogous to other new social movements, in particular the LGBT social movements, and some call for what they describe as "children's rights", to allow children to make their own decisions about sexual relationships without constraint by the authority of their parents or other adults. Some pro-pedophile groups are involved in opposing vigilante groups that target anyone alleged to have a sexual attraction to children.ANU - A Blog About Paedophilia - Facts, Studies, Editorials, Information and LawThe Signal: News for Santa Clarita Valley, California
Present-day pro-pedophile activism occurs mostly through websites and internet discussion forums; in the past the movement was advocated through periodicals such as the '''' (1987-1995) and through a few membership organizations that have declining membership or have ceased their activities in recent times, such as the Danish Pedophile Association and the North American Man/Boy Love Association and others.NL E 9
An increasing public focus on and disapproval of pedophilia has motivated more stringent legislation and stronger criminal penalties regarding child pornography, child sexual abuse, and use of the internet to facilitate these offenses. The movement to grant pro-pedophile activism status as a valid political or civil rights movement is socially unacceptable. Opposition to pro-pedophile activism is known as anti-pedophile activism.
The ICD-10, an international classification of diseases published by the World Health Organization, lists pedophilia as a paraphilia, and refers to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), mentioned below, for its definition.
The American Psychiatric Association (APA) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fourth Edition Text Revision (DSM-IV-TR), describes pedophilia as a paraphilia. The diagnosis criteria for Pedophilia are:
A. Over a period of at least 6 months, recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors involving sexual activity with a prepubescent child or children (generally age 13 years or younger);
B. The person has acted on these sexual urges, or the sexual urges or fantasies cause marked distress or interpersonal difficulty;
C. The person is at least age 16 years and at least 5 years older than the child or children in criterion A. In addition, the APA released a statement in 2003 regarding the diagnostic criteria for pedophilia:
Regarding the foundation of positions that in some ways mirror later pro-pedophile activism, Robert Stacy McCain writes: "Academic defenses of sex between adults and children date back at least to Alfred Kinsey's famous 1948 and 1952 reports on human sexuality, in which the Indiana University professor claimed that 'children are sexual from birth.' Critics say that pro-pedophilia activism cannot be dismissed as an irrelevant fringe movement because it has real-life consequences." In the 1970s, the movement established itself in continental Western Europe, particularly in the Netherlands.The Dutch Paedophile Emancipation Movement At that time the North American Man/Boy Love Association was also a leading gay youth and pederast rights activist group.glbtq >> social sciences >> NAMBLA
Psychologist and sexologist Dr. Frits BernardSelected Publications of Dr has stated that he and others formed the Enclave kring ("Enclave circle") in The Hague, the Netherlands in the 1950s. They built upon pre-1940 member information of the surviving Dutch branch of German Magnus Hirschfeld's sexologist Wissenschaftlich-Humanitäres Komitee (WHK) (Scientific-Humanitarian Committee) provided by former WHK member Arent von Santhorst (see interview with Bernard led by ethnologist and political scientist Dr. Joachim S. Hohmann). Bernard, through this Dutch WHK connection, built upon contacts he had established in 1940 for the same purpose with Dutch WHK president, donzel Dr. J. A. Schorer and sexologist Dr. Benno Premsela. Bernard apparently was aware that the German WHK along with its international organization Institut für Sexualwissenschaft, ("Institute for Sexuology"), had published articles on adult-minor sexual interactions prior to 1933. However the German invasion of the Netherlands in 1940 prevented any further co-operation until the end of World War II. One of the very first German occupation regulations in the Netherlands was public declaration of enforcement of German Penal Code sections 175 regarding same-sex activities and 176 regarding adult-child sex interactions in Verordnungsblatt Nr. 81 dating July 31st 1940. WHK members von Santhorst and Bob Angelo (alias Niek Engelschman, later a pedophile activist) had destroyed all Dutch WHK documents to prevent Nazi investigations, and member information was re-constructed after the war by von Santhorst in order to form the Enclave kring.
The Enclave kring, as built upon the pre-war Dutch WHK model, defined itself as a "movement" consisting of "institutions and organizations" serving purposes such as: "to break down prejudice about the issues of erotic contacts and relationships between minors and adults, and to provide information and advice as well as to initiate a direct assistance program." A publishing company of the same name serving these purposes was founded in 1958. According to Bernard, the Enclave kring developed into an international organization (gaining support in Western Europe, New York, Japan, and Hong Kong), and Bernard himself made lecture tours in some of these places. Results of these efforts of the Enclave kring included more positive feedback about pedophile activism in various publications independent from the Enclave kring such as the Dutch Vriendschap ("Friendship", published since 1859), German Der Weg zu Freundschaft und Toleranz ("A way to friendship and tolerance"), Danish Amigo, and Dutch Verstandig Ouderschap ("Reasonable parenthood") by the 1960s.
In 1972, Bernard published the book Sex met kinderen ("Sex with children", published not by the Enclave kring but the independent Dutch sexual reform organisation NVSH). The book outlined the history of the Enclave kring and international research in adult-child sexual interaction, partly spurred by the activism of the Enclave kring, partly independent from it, up to that point. According to Bernard citing historian Dr. E. O. Born, this book "had an [public] effect throughout Europe and abroad." It laid the foundation for the 1970s pedophile activism movement in Western Europe.
In the 1970s, most organized pedophile activity was centered in the Netherlands and to a lesser degree in Western Europe. Here, a number of researchers, among them Bernard, social psychologist Theo Sandfort, lawyer and politician Edward Brongersma and psychiatrist Frans Gieles, wrote a significant number of papers on the topic, both from theoretical and practical standpoints. A number of papers were produced discussing the effects of adult-child sexual interactions. The data for these papers came mainly from analyzing pedophiles, but also from adults and young people who, as children or adolescents, had been involved in sexual relationships with adults. In a 1988 interview, Bernard said that up to that point he himself as part of his psychological work, and also as an authorized expert witness in a number of court cases, had talked to and analyzed "more than a thousand pedophile adults and about three-thousand children and adolescents who had had [sexual] contacts with adults."
On June 22, 1979, a petition along with a letter with the same content was sent to the Dutch minister of justice and simultaneously was brought before the Dutch parliament, both petition and letter demanding legalization of mutual sexual activities between children and pedophile adults.
The petition was authored by the Dutch Society for Sexual Reform (NVSH), the Coornhert League for Penal Law Reform, the Humanitarian Confederation, and "radio priest" Alje Klamer. It was signed by social welfare and public mental health organizations such as the General Probation Association, the Netherlands Association for the Integration of Homosexuality (COC), and the official Netherlands Feminism Association. The petition also achieved considerable success within the Dutch parliament, being endorsed unanimously by the executives of the ruling Labour Party as well as the executives of four minority parties in the Dutch Lower House (the Democratic Socialist party, the Pacifist Socialist party, the Democratic party, and the Radical party).
The section of child and youth psychiatry of The Netherlands Society for Psychiatry, as Jan Schuijer wrote, was "apparently alarmed by the success of the petition," and publicly opposed the demands for decriminalization claiming it would undermine parental authority.
In 1980, the COC, the largest gay association in the Netherlands, publicly declared pedophilia a gay issue, and declared further that gay liberation would never be complete without the sexual liberation of children and pedophiles. From 1979 through 1981, the last major success of pedophile activism in the Western world was achieved when the Dutch Protestant Foundation for Responsible Family Development (PSVG) sold and distributed tens of thousands of copies of a booklet entitled Pedophilia (originally illustrated with photos) in and to Dutch elementary schools.
In the late 1970s, the center of activity briefly shifted to the United States and the United Kingdom with the 1974 formation of the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) in Scotland (later based in London), and the 1978 formation of the North American Man/Boy Love Association (NAMBLA) in Boston: "In 1978, the Boston protests spawned an authentic pedophile activist movement, the North American Man-Boy Love Association [...] NAMBLA claimed to be in the tradition of an earlier gay rights movement, the Mattachine Society, which had been intolerably controversial in its day but was now seen as an honored forerunner of mainstream gay activism." Both of these groups achieved relative notoriety in the early 1980s due to a public outcry against them. In an aforementioned 1988 interview, Bernard credited this to severely aggressive and radical behaviour of pedophile activism outside of continental Europe, while on the other hand stating his regret of what he called significant ignorance in sexual matters in general in the US. The PIE capitulated to public pressure and disbanded in 1985, however NAMBLA continued to exist. A 2005 newspaper article quoted an undercover police officer as saying that, in 1995, NAMBLA had about 1,100 members.
On February 5, 1987, Bernard appeared as a guest on the Phil Donahue show and advocated pedophile activism, accompanied by a 23-year-old male who had allegedly been involved in a sexual relationship with an adult as a child.
In the 1980s, a number of other pedophile advocacy groups formed including MARTIJN (1982), situated in the Netherlands, and the Danish Pedophile Association (DPA) (1985). This was followed in the early 1990s by the formation of Ipce (then the "International Pedophile and Child Emancipation," IPCE), an umbrella organization for pedophile activist groups. Although MARTIJN and Ipce continued to function, DPA disbanded in early 2004.
Post-1982, the objections to pro-pedophile activism in continental Western Europe did not appear as heated as in English-speaking countries. Formerly active pro-pedophilia organizations did not get significant or memorable negative public press, but just seemed to lose interest in maintaining their public activities any longer. For the most part, the issue retreated from public awareness. Bernard (born in 1920) retired from his occupation as a psychologist, as an expert witness, and from all of his offices in international organizations in 1985. Even earlier, the number of NVSH members drastically decreased to below 10,000 (at times it had had up to 240,000 members) yielding a serious financial crisis.
Meanwhile, law enforcement's efforts to combat child pornography and sexual contact with minors became more aggressive. In the Netherlands, emerging feminist and victim organizations as well as juvenile police units still supported decriminalization as of 1982. However, Dutch police (such as Hans Heesters of the Amsterdam police's youth and moral bureau) and law officials were increasingly educated by the FBI on "FBI methods of tracking down the makers and collectors of child pornography" (virtually and effectively "guidelines [that] target those who engage in sexual contacts with underage minors"). In 1989, then-resident Dutch minister of justice Korthals Althes publicly stated that weekly meetings on these matters with the FBI and British government had been established in 1985. Beginning in 1984, the US Congress and the US Senate (via the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations of the Committee on Governmental Affairs, led at that time by Republican William Roth) disseminated information through US and international press channels accusing the Netherlands of ranking "among the most important exporters of child pornography to the US" and stating that children were publicly auctioned in Amsterdam for prostitution and pornography. An investigation entitled Workgroup child-pornography, established by minister of justice Althas and published in August 1986, questioned the extent of these accusations, ultimately declaring them "unsustainable."
After the International Lesbian and Gay Association was granted consultative member status within the United Nations Economic and Social Council in 1994, the United States (including President Bill Clinton) publicly threatened to cancel its annual financial contributions of US$1 Million to the UN because ILGA had four pronouncedly pedophile activist member groups: NAMBLA, MARTIJN, US-based Project TRUTH, and German Verein für Sexuelle Gleichberechtigung (VSG, "Association for Sexual Equality"). As a result, the UN status of ILGA was suspended and ILGA expelled all four organizations. The German Bundesverband Homosexualität (BVH, "National Homosexuality Association") called for international protests on ILGA for expelling these groups, in spite of the fact that BVH never before had been observed as sympathizing with pedophile activism.
In the coming years, pro-pedophile advocacy began to make use of the Internet: "For socially isolated pedophiles, the search for 'human companionship' was a salient concern, and Internet technology provided a virtual solution to the absence of physical convergence settings." This use of the Internet as a space for advocacy and as a "convergence setting" began with the establishment in 1995 of BoyChat, a message board for "boylovers." In 1997, participants on BoyChat and other online resources formed Free Spirits, an umbrella organization with the mission of raising money and providing Internet hosting services: "Web sites such as Free Spirits can be viewed as 'convergence settings' in the sense that they provide structure and continuity in [the] face of any given individual, group or network instabilities." Ipce (formerly "International Pedophile and Child Emancipation") is a leading activist site. The Montreal Ganymede Collective was formed in Montreal by Free Spirits members in 1998 as a forum for pedophiles to meet in the real world.
Some pedophile activists have proposed ethical frameworks for sexual interaction with children. Such frameworks stress the consent of the child, their ability to withdraw from the relationship, and having open, rather than secret relationships, as key factors.
Illegal activity is discouraged by some pro-pedophile activists, such as in the Boylove Code of Ethics which states that a pedophile should "do everything possible to protect his young friend from any harm, including exposure or embarrassment from arrest". MARTIJN's statement is unequivocal: "MARTIJN Association advises everyone to observe the law."
Not all groups associated with the movement support these ethical boundaries. For example, the group Krumme 13 ("Crooked 13") counseled convicted child-molesters to continue their activities once released. According to IPCE,Part 7Part 6 another pedophile activist group, Krumme 13's jailed leader was not trusted by some in the German pedophile community.
Some pro-pedophile activists attempt to create a culture of support to pedophiles who are afraid to discuss their attractions for fear of being criminalized and ostracized. To this end, some pro-pedophile organizations provide online counseling and suicide prevention services. Organizations, like the Krumme 13, have been accused of encouraging pedophiles to act out their desires, thus break laws regarding child sexual abuse and the legal Age of Consent.IOL: Sex is good for children - German ex-cop Other organizations strongly encourage others to take care in not breaking local laws.
Much online pedophile activism takes place on message boards, the most prominent ones being based in Montreal, Canada. Some pedophile activists now have blogs. Many of these blogs, especially those at blogger (owned by Google) have been removed for alleged Terms of Service violations.
MARTIJN, as well as publishing a magazine called OK and providing support for pedophiles, is also involved in overt activism, distributing flyers and pamphlets at public gatherings and gay pride marches.MARTIJN present at the Belgian Lesbian and Gay Pride
Robin Sharpe, a Canadian pedophile, successfully challenged some aspects of child pornography laws in the Canadian Supreme Court in 2002, arguing that his fictional writings were not illegal because they had artistic merit.Sharpe not guilty of possessing written child pornography
Various groups also promote "holidays" intended to spread understanding and acceptance of pedophilia. International Boylove Day occurs on the first Saturday after the summer solstice and some people also celebrate on the first Saturday after the winter solstice. Alice Day is celebrated by female-attracted pedophiles, on April 25. This is the day Lewis Carroll met Alice Liddell, the girl for whom he wrote ''Alice's Adventures in Wonderland'', on April 25, 1856.
In his article "The Pattern of Sexual Politics: Feminism, Homosexuality and Pedophilia," Harris Mirkin, Associate Professor and Chair of Political Science at the University of Missouri, Kansas City, asserts that the refusal to even consider the possibility that pro-pedophile activism could be considered a valid political or civil rights activist movement is partly a politicized act meant to preclude any examination of the arguments put forth by pro-pedophile activists. His argument has been summarized as follows:
Mirkin's article has been criticised as apologetic towards its subject:
In 1989, sociologist Mary de Young reviewed the literature published by pedophile organizations for public dissemination. She found that pedophile organizations she studied used the following strategies to promote public acceptance of pedophilia or the legalization of adult-child sex:
Other academics specifically criticizing the DSM diagnosis of pedophilia include sexologist Richard Green (2002)Is Pedophilia a Mental Disorder? and professor of psychiatry William O'Donohue (2000)SpringerLink - Journal Article.
Views not mentioned by DeYoung, but often opined by activists include:
Other goals of pro-pedophile activism may, but do not necessarily include a redefining of contemporary authority relations between adults and minors and the changing of institutions of concern to pedophiles, such as age of consent laws and mental disorder classification.
Members of the movement have referred to a few scientific studies which document the percentage of people that responds to pedophilic stimuli, including papers such as Hall et. al., in which 26.25% of male volunteers exhibited equal or greater sexual arousal to pedophilic audio stimuli, and 33% for pedophilic imagery.
Activists argue there is a distinction between pedophiles and child molesters, citing, for example, Fagan, Wise, Schmidt and Berlin, who wrote, "Pedophilia is a diagnosis applicable to only a portion of individuals who sexually abuse children. Information has been drawn from published research about pedophilia and child sexual abuse in general to present the current state of knowledge. Despite a sizeable body of published, peer-reviewed articles about topics such as child sexual abuse, child molestation, and sexual offenders, data and our knowledge base about pedophilia have significant limitations."JAMA - Sign In Page
Activists question assumptions about personality correlates of pedophilia as a condition. Some cite Okami and Goldberg, who stated in 1992, "The scientific support for the belief that pedophiles are passive, dependent, unassertive, isolated, and socially awkward is weak. Almost all studies are based on offenders against minors rather than on pedophiles. They typically find that such offenders are similar to other kinds of offenders." Some also cite Langevin, who wrote in 1983 that, "The data also do not support the theories that pedophilia is due to fixation at an immature stage of development, to an inability to relate to women, to mental retardation, or to senility," and noted that, "One non-clinical study suggests that studies of clinical samples may be biased toward finding pathology which is not an inherent part of the sexual anomaly. There may be well-adjusted pedophiles living in the community... Even when characteristic traits are found, they may be due to society's reactions rather than be causes or correlates of pedophilia."
Pro-pedophile activists claim that pedophiles' feelings toward children include other emotions besides sexual attraction. Some activists again cite Okami and Goldberg, who wrote, "Several studies have shown that men whose sexual preference is for children often have a complex set of attitudes, beliefs, and feelings about children in which sexual desire may be subordinate. They often interact with children in ways that include many non-sexual aspects, including affection, which children experience positively." They concluded that, "An unknown percentage of true pedophiles may never act on their sexual feelings, and many sex offenders against minors are not pedophiles. Pedophiles probably cannot be studied due to social stigma and mandatory reporting laws."
Some pedophile activists attempt to refute scientific research that finds sexual contact between adults and children as predominantly harmful by stating that there is a variety of different categories for adult-child sex interactions that are commonly not acknowledged by mainstream scientific research. They claim that studies showing harm from adult-child sexual contact might have shown that some types of contact are harmless, if only the studies had carefully categorized the contacts into more narrow categories, such as "consensual" contact versus "non-consensual" contact.
Some activists claim that "sexual abuse" studies, by their very definition and aims, self-select the categories of interaction that involve negative experiences, even in those cases where medical or legal samples have been avoided and a sample more representative of the general population has been used. For example, Edward Brongersma criticizes these studies for being tainted by three problems that result in what he terms "Inadequate Research" - "First Source of Error: Sexual Activity as the Decisive Test," "Second Source of Error: Mingling Boy-Lovers and Girl-Lovers," and "Third Source of Error: Bias." The result, for Brongersma, is that "The influence a man may have on a boy in a man/boy-relationship is a difficult subject to broach: empirical research is conspicuous by its virtual absence and theory has been highly distorted by social prejudice and the seeming inability of most investigators to make proper distinctions. Thus an outsider who wishes to gain some insight into what really happens in a sexually expressed relationship between a man and a boy has very little to go on."
Some also claim that there is political pressurePRD - pressure on scientists not to produce results that are contrary to the political consensus, leading to fundamental biases in research techniques (such as the confusion of correlation and causality).PRD - causality Other criticisms such as the use of confusing terminology, confusion of morality and ideology with science, and the generalisation of clinical and criminal samples to society as a whole are mirrored by the Male Homosexual Attracton to Minors Information Center.MHAMic - Problems with Research - Summary
Ben Spiecker and Jan Steutel, in a paper entitled Paedophilia, Sexual Desire and Perversity, argued that consent is possible in some older prepubescent children. They concluded, however, that, "Paedophile sex is a form of exploitation because it endangers the long-term welfare of the child. Consequently, paedophilia involves desires towards behaviour that is morally wrong, but only in some forms of paedophilia are these desires perverse." In Intergenerational Sexual Contact: A Continuum Model of Participants and Experiences, Joan Nelson wrote, "De Young (1982) reports that 20% of her 'victims' appeared to be 'virtually indifferent to their molestation' Instead, they tended to be traumatized by the reaction of adults to its discovery." Theo Sandfort's 1980 study in which 25 boys aged 10 - 16 and involved in pederasty were interviewed concluded that, "Except on the basis of violation of moral standards, there was nothing in what these boys said that would justify punishment. ...[The laws] should be so drawn up that the kind of sexual contacts which these 25 boys experienced would fall outside of their application."
A controversial meta-analysis of studies using college students by Bruce Rind, Philip Tromovitch and Robert Bauserman published by the American Psychological Association in 1998 found a weak correlation between sex abuse in childhood and the later instability of the child's adult psyche. It noted that a significant percentage reported their reactions to sex abuse as positive in the short term and concludes that for research purposes some cases of child sex abuse would be better labeled "adult-child sex". The article stated in the addendum that "CSA does not cause intense harm on a pervasive basis regardless of gender in the college population" (Rind et al., 1998, p. 46), but warns "The current findings are relevant to moral and legal positions only to the extent that these positions are based on the presumption of psychological harm" (p. 47).
The paper faced multiple academic disputations, including sample bias, non-standardization of variables, statistical errors, and researchers' personal bias.Dallam 02 Science or .. FrameDefinitions, Attenuation, and ModeratorsThe Effects of Child Sexual Abuse The article's authors have published replies to these claims.Rind skept engContent of this article
In addition to academic criticism, the article received massive criticism from conservative activists and groups, including radio personality Laura Schlessinger. She and others called the article an attempt to normalize pedophilia. Congressman Tom DeLay and others sought a formal congressional action against the APA for the article. In 1999 Congress unanimously passed a bill stating that "children are a precious gift and responsibility given to parents by God" and that the study was "severely flawed", although it did not cite any specific errors.
Numerous pro-pedophile advocacy organizations have quoted the Rind study in support of their efforts to "lower or rescind age of consent laws", and defense attorneys have used the study to argue for minimizing harm in child sexual abuse cases.
Nearly all national governments conform to United Nations protocols for age-of-consent legislation and the criminalization of child pornography. From 2000 to 2004, over 130 nations signed a United Nations accord to criminalize child pornography. The U.N. convention on legal age for marriage has been in force since 1964.
The ICD-10 and DSM IV, which are medical diagnosis manuals, describe pedophilia as a paraphilia and mental disorder of adults or older youths, if it causes clinically significant distress or impairment in social, occupational, or other important areas of functioning.
Law enforcement officials and psychologists have asserted that the movement's online support groups help some pedophiles to justify engaging in adult-child sexual contact. They claim that adults arrested for child molestation frequently cite the positions of the movement as justification for their actions (Finkelhor, 1984).Ohio Man Claims Right To Have Sex With Boys - Local News Story - WCAU | PhiladelphiaOhio Man Says Having Sex with Boys Is His Civil RightPedophiles seek community online | Education IT | ZDNet.com In an interview with KCTV5, Phill Kline, Kansas Attorney General, characterized the goal of certain pedophile activists to change age-of-consent laws as "twisted." Some psychologists consider various positions of the movement to be the "cognitive distortions" characteristic of sexual abusers.
For example, in August 2006, The New York Times published the results of a four-month investigation of online pedophile communications and activities. The newspaper described how "pedophiles view themselves as the vanguard of a nascent movement seeking legalization of child pornography and the loosening of age-of-consent laws." And while "pedophiles often maintain that the discussion sites are little more than support groups," the newspaper asserted that, "[r]epeatedly in these conversations, pedophiles said the discussions had helped them accept their attractions and had even allowed them to have sex with a child without guilt."
Many child abuse prevention advocates, law enforcement officials, and journalists note that various child molestation convicts were also members of the movement. Those involved with the movement have responded by claiming that this was either not true, the acts were victimless "crimes" (before intervention), or that the movement could have even helped them avoid crossing the line into abuse by giving them a more positive identity than society does. Some claim that dwelling on these arrests attempts to smear the movement through guilt-by-association. Nonetheless, mainstream observers remain skeptical that ardent advocates of adult-child romance and sex stay within the law - citing these arrests as evidence.
Concerning the recent sex scandals involving Catholic priests in the US, some pedophile activists say that these scandals only or prominently involved minor partners that during the times of sexual interactions were adolescent and thus, these scandals have nothing to do with pedophile activism.
Many of these incidents giving grounds to skepticism involve members of NAMBLA, the organization most widely known to the U.S. public. Some claim that these activities are limited to members of this organization and are not representative of the larger movement. Dutch psychologist and pedophile activist Frits Bernard has argued that NAMBLA at least started out as an ephebophile, not a pedophile activism organization as identifiable by its original political and social reform program, and that its program remained like that at least until 1982 when Bernard made his statement.
This article is based on "Pro-pedophile activism" from the free encyclopedia Wikipedia (http://en.wikipedia.org). It is licensed under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation Licencse. In the Wikipedia you can find a list of the authors by visiting the following address: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Pro-pedophile+activism&action=history